Tuesday, November 29, 2011

Trinkets and Beads


In one of my last classes for ANTH 391: Indigenous Peoples of the Amazon, we watched a slightly heartbreaking film called "Trinkets and Beads", which documented the devastating environmental and cultural effects that the international oil industry has had on the indigenous people of Ecuador.

I walked into class a minute late, the video was already running. When I entered there was a large fat American woman on the screen saying that when she got to Ecuador the tribes there were "all naked, though they didn't thing they were naked cos they were all wearing g-strings and they were living with demons in sin". Turns out she was an American evangelical Christian missionary who had given herself the mission of "civilizing" the heathen Indians?!

The name trinkets and beads comes from a comment made by an American oil worker after the President of Ecuador's daughter gave a young woman her earrings in exchange for an Indigenous head-dress and other regalia. She asked him jokingly "do you think it's a fair trade?", to which he replied, "that's how we got Manhattan, trinkets and bead" (as in we tricked the indigenous inhabitants out of their land with mere trinkets...UGH!)

It was a saddening film; to see the complete destruction and contamination for profit, profit which flowed mainly into North American corporations. Additionally, the sheer ignorance and bigotry of the Americans and oil companies involved was disgusting and the blatant continuation of less obvious colonial attitudes.

The most poignant part of film has to be when the audience is told that this complete and utter destruction of the land is to gain access to the oil beneath worth 1.5 billion dollars....

....enough to fuel cars in the U.S.A for 13 days! (What a massive %$&# You to the west!)

Film Bio
"After twenty years of devastating pollution by oil companies in the Amazon basin of Ecuador, a new kind of oil company - Dallas based MAXUS - promises to be the first company that will protect the rainforest and respect the people who live there. The film tells the story of how MAXUS set out to convince the Huaorani - known as the fiercest tribe in the Amazon - to allow drilling on their land. It is a story which starts in 1957 with the Huaorani massacre of five American missionaries, moving through the evangelization of part of the tribe by Rachel Saint, pollution of Huaorani lands by Texaco and Shell and manipulation and buying off of Huaorani leaders by MAXUS. Filmed over two years, “Trinkets and Beads” reveals the funny, heartbreaking and thrilling story of the battle waged by a small band of Amazonian warriors to preserve their way of life"

http://www.ucfilms.in/subject/culture/trinkets-and-beads/

Advocacy Anthropology: An Introduction


Advocacy anthropology can be included under the broad umbrella term of ‘development anthropology’ in that it “proactively represents, defends and supports the members of disempowered or disenfranchised groups”. Advocacy anthropology in particular is most concerned with “identifying, addressing and critiquing imbalances in the allocation of power, economic resources, social status and material goods” at the community, social or national level. This form of applied anthropology can take many different forms. 

Broadly, any anthropologist who is requested by members of a disempowered or marginalised group to help promote and assist their cause could be considered an advocacy anthropologist. However, some disagree with this definition and see anthropological research done within these communities in support of community defined goals as a tool for the members to create change themselves. They believe that it is not the role of the anthropologist to be mere champion or defender of disempowered groups, but instead to educate people and equip them with the knowledge and tools to solve their own problems from within their communities. 

Current theoretical trends within the discipline state that it is not enough to just study, observe and research communities for mere academic purposes alone, but that instead there should be a degree of knowledge dissemination and reciprocity; that something must be given back to the community should they want it. Additionally, it is almost inevitable of course that anthropologist develop both affection and concern for the people they and that in light of their education, social status and anthropological skill set that they are in a well placed in position to give voice to the issues concerns of the communities they study. Although this may not be the original intention of the anthropologist, ‘traditional’ ethnographic work can often lead to advocacy, with the anthropologist becoming more and more involved quite slowly and over an extended period.

While advocacy work is often done with good intentions, there is also the need to be wary when approaching this highly sensitive area. Advocacy is not always appropriate for every situation and should not be pushed upon people, no matter the best intentions. There are always numerous ethical factors to consider when embarking upon this type of anthropology; primarily, whom is the anthropologist advocating for?
Advocacy done by anthropologists should support the position of the communities most affected by certain practices or policies. It would be highly unethical for an anthropologist to advocate on behalf of large companies and corporations whose intentions may have damaging effects within communities on the ground.
Perhaps most importantly, if they are to be taken seriously the anthropology must keep their advocacy “dispassionate, empirical, and substantiated; but must also be prepared for the potential fire-storm of public response”

Shannon Turner-Riley
ANTH 311: Applied Anthropology
Instructor: Dr Heather Botting
Friday 2nd December, 2011

Applied Anthropology Career Plan

On first approaching this assignment I had presumed that the information I was looking for would be found quite easily via internet searches, however after numerous, unfruitful hours of scouring the internet I realised that there was a complete lack of detailed information available for students like myself who are nearing the end of their undergraduate studies and who will possibly be hoping to apply for grad schools in the coming year. It also became apparent that both the ‘Anthropology Career Resources Handbook’ as well as the results of my various web searches were very American-centric with a biased focus geared towards American students applying to American grad schools with a major lack of graduate program information for Canadian universities. Furthermore, being English myself and hoping to return there on the completion of my undergraduate studies, I also searched for British universities specialising in applied anthropology programs, the results were only slightly more helpful. 

The following pages list three post secondary institutions that offer programs specialising in the field of applied anthropology or other related fields in the case of the third university.

Masters of Applied Anthropology (M.A.A) at the University of Maryland
The entire department of Anthropology at the University of Maryland (UMD) states that it has general focus and commitment to the applied aspect of anthropology and anthropological research, not only in the generation of anthropological knowledge but also its application. Additionally, the university also offers a Masters of Applied Anthropology (M.A.A.)  which it states is designed “both for students interested in an anthropology career outside of academia and for those who plan on continuing to a PhD” (University of Maryland: 2011). 

The program was first offered by UMD in 1984 and has continued for decades due to its long-standing success. According to the university’s website the program specifically focuses on the building of anthropological practice and the application of generated knowledge and theory. Prior to application, students are asked to identify the particular subdiscipline of anthropology in which they are interested as well as proposing a specific area of interest within that subdiscipline (University of Maryland: 2011).

The department offers a variety of courses as part of the requirements of the M.A.A program which are listed below;

ANTH 601: Applied Anthropology
ANTH 606: Qualitative Methods in Applied Anthropology
ANTH 760: Development of Social/Cultural Theory
ANTH 630: Quantification and Statistics in Applied Anthropology
ANTH 720: Advanced Studies in Theory and Practice of Applied Biological Anthropology
ANTH 740: Anthropological Theories of the Past
ANTH 701: Internship Preparation
ANTH789: Internship
ANTH712: Anthropology Internship Analysis 

In addition to the various courses, an internship is also required by the department in order to complete the program, along with coursework focusing on a specific area of specialization chosen by the student.
The official website for the university’s anthropology department does not specify by whom the MA courses are taught or which professors specialise applied anthropology. However, it does provide a list of all department faculty members along with minimal biographical information, particularly concerning their specific area of specialisation. After reviewing the faculty members and their areas of expertise I found department professors Dr. Thurka Sangaramoorthy and Dr. Erve Chambers’ areas of interest to appeal to me most. The biography for Dr. Sangaramoorthy lists her interests as “HIV/AIDS, social and medical constructions of risk, health disparities, global public health; transnationalism, immigration, citizenship, governmentality, structural violence, race and ethnicity; science and technology studies” (University of Maryland: 2011). In regards to this I am particularly interested in the areas of HIV/AIDS, health disparities and studies around nationalism and government. Dr. Chambers’ areas of interest are listed on the website as “applied anthropology, policy research, evaluation, tourism, housing and community development, cultural studies” (University of Maryland: 2011). It was his expertise in the area of applied anthropology that I found most appealing and relevant.
The above information was acquired from the University of Maryland’s program information webpage;
http://www.bsos.umd.edu/anth/Programs/Graduate/MAA.html

Masters (M.A) in Applied Anthropology & Community and Youth Work at Goldsmiths, University of London
Goldsmiths, University London offers a one year masters specialising in the application of anthropological skills and knowledge, particularly theory and research methods as applied to the field of community and youth work. The program is designed to combine the anthropological skill set and knowledge with a more practical skills to help students “enhance [their] effectiveness as a community and youth worker” (Goldsmiths, University of London: 2011). According to their website, this particular degree was unique in Britain as the first of its kind to combine both “academic and professional qualifications” (Goldsmiths, University of London: 2011).

The website offers very few details on the specific content of particular courses; it does however give a brief overview of the various areas of study and focus for the course and what will be expected of the student. The MA focuses primarily on combining theory and practice; hence it involves both academic lectures and coursework as well as completing a practicum in the field. A list of the faculty of the anthropology department can be found on the Goldsmiths, London University website, with brief bibliographical information on their particular areas of interest. It once again however does not offer any details on who teaches the specific courses. I reviewed the list of factulity members along with the biographical information and found two particular professors whose areas of expertise appealed to my interests. Dr. Casey High specialises in “History and memory; violence; indigenous rights and development; political anthropology; cosmology; gender; Latin America/Amazonia; Ecuador” (Goldsmiths, University of London: 2011). This appeals to me as the topic of human rights and particularly indigenous rights is one of my main areas of interest and an area I would like to pursue after completing my undergraduate studies. Additionally, I also have a great deal of interest in and attraction to working in Latin America. The second faculty member whose areas of interest appeal to me most was Dr. Sari Wastell whose expertise are cited as “Legal anthropology; social theory; war crimes prosecutions; post-conflict societies and 'transitional justice'; temporal idioms and time politics; African governance; The Hague, Bosnia, Swaziland and Euskadi “. It is the legal anthropology that most attracts me in this case since a knowledge of the judicial system paired with anthropology would be very useful when working in the area of human and indigenous rights.

The above information came from the department of anthropology on Goldsmith’s University London’s official website;
http://www.gold.ac.uk/pg/ma-applied-anthropology-community-youth-work/

Masters in Science (MSc) in Law, Anthropology and Society at London School of Economics
Although this course is not specifically an applied anthropology course it certainly has applied aspects; applying anthropological knowledge through the practice of law. The MSc in Law, Anthropology and Society program was developed by LSE primarily as a base for understand the role of law within the framework of society and culture and focuses primarily on the application of theoretical knowledge.

The department as a set of ‘core’ courses which are requirements for the programs, these courses are unlisted. However, the website does list the further optional courses a number of which are required to complete the program. The courses offered by the anthropology department are as follows; 

The Anthropology of Religion.
Anthropology: Theory and Ethnography.

The Anthropology of Kinship, Sex and Gender.
Anthropology of Politics.
Anthropology of Economy (1): production and exchange.
Anthropology of Economy (2): development, transformation and globalisation.
Children and Youth in Contemporary Ethnography.
Ethnography of a Selected Region (Latin America).
Medical Anthropology.
The courses offered by the law department are as follows;
Jurisprudence and Legal Theory.

Alternative Dispute Resolution.
Regulating New Medical Technologies.
Comparative Law: Theory and Practice.
Law and Social Theory.
Modern Legal History.
Crime and Control: The Ethnics and Political Economy of Criminalisation.
Current Issues in Intellectual and Cultural Property Law.
Trademark Law.
Cultural Property and Heritage Law.

While there are no specifics given as to which staff members teach any of the particular required courses for the programs, the universities website does offer a full of faculty members from both the department of law and the department of anthropology. Upon reviewing the anthropology faculty I found various members of staff who specialised in areas that are of interest to me, however I could not find any particular member of staff specialising in legal anthropology.
The above information was acquired from the official website for the London School of Economics and Political Science;
http://www2.lse.ac.uk/anthropology/degree_programmes/mscantlaw.aspx

Primary Choice of Post-Secondary Institution
Upon reviewing the websites and program details of the three post-secondary institutions, my first choice would be the Masters in Law, Anthropology and Society offered by the London School of Economics (LSE). There are numerous reasons as to why this university program would be my primary choice. Firstly, and focusing entirely on the academic aspect of my choice, since I am nearing the end of my undergraduate studies at UVIC I have been trying to discover my particular areas of interest and decide on which aspects of anthropology I would like to focus, both in regards to careers and further education. I understand that as a cultural anthropologist one has a more elusive, less tangible and less marketable set of skills than say an archaeologist or a forensic anthropologist. Thus, combining the cultural anthropology skill set with more concrete and practical skills, in this case an in-depth knowledge of the legal system, will endow me with a more unique set of employable skills which differ from holding an anthropology or law degree alone.
In addition to the academic aspect, there are also personal factors that influenced LSE as my primary choice. Firstly, I am a British citizen, so I would not have to pay foreign student fees for an already costly course. I was raised in England and lived there until I was twenty; it is where all my family and a majority of friends are. Although I have never lived in London or the south of England, I am very familiar with the city. Relocation there rather than one to the U.S or another part of Canada would make much more sense since I have family close by as well as numerous close friends who also reside in London and attended various post-secondary institutions in the city offering me a well established support network.

Program Details
LSE is not only home to a world famous centre of social sciences as well as a historic and distinguished department of anthropology which in the early days of the discipline became the leading school of British social anthropology under the guidance of Bronislaw Malinowski, it also has a long history of interdisciplinary approaches to theory and practice. It is precisely this interdisciplinary approach and collaboration between departments that most attracts me to both the university and the specific program. LSE states that it the MSc in Law, Anthropology and Society program was developed specifically to “provide a basis for understanding and analyzing the role of law in society” (LSE: 2011). The program primarily intends to develop both the theoretical and practical skills of the student in understanding the context of low within culture and society. The interdisciplinary nature of the course is intended to provide a more in-depth understanding of the detailed technicalities of the judicial system through using specific socio-cultural analytical skills fosters within the discipline of anthropology (LSE: 2011)

The one year MSc program is broken into four separate units of study; three academic lecture courses and a final dissertation project. The course is mainly focused around law within society which is a mandatory course to be done in conjunction with a choice of optional courses from both the department of law and the department of anthropology (as mentioned on pages 3 and 4) (LSE: 2011).

Shannon Turner-Riley
ANTH 311: Applied Anthropology
Instructor: Dr Heather Botting
October, 2011


Ethics: Focus on Amnesty International



According to their website, Amnesty International cites itself as “a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights” (Amnesty International 2011). For over 50 years Amnesty International has campaigned tirelessly throughout the world to ensure the equality of human rights for all people.

Amnesty International is a large multi-national organisation which aims primarily to protect the human rights of marginalised, victimised and persecuted people worldwide. It can be classed as a non government organisation, or NGO, since it does not affiliate itself with any particular governments, regimes, political parties or ideologies. The organisation began in 1961 as a result of British lawyer Peter Benenson’s anger at the imprisonment of two young Portuguese students who had been jailed that year solely for “raising a toast to freedom” (Amnesty International 2011). Benenson published an article on the topic named ‘The Forgotten prisoners’, which in turn launched an ‘Appeal for Amnesty’ for the two men. This marked the beginning of Amnesty International, which was viewed as the first “permanent international movement in defence of freedom of opinion and religion” (Amnesty International 2011).

Most, if not all of the information regarding Amnesty International’s mission statement, goals and ethics can now be found on its official website; www.amnesty.org. The organisation is primarily based in London, which is where the International Secretariat, the ‘head committee’ of the organisation resides. However, they also have offices and bases in other major cities worldwide. Amnesty International clearly outlines its mission statement on its website; stating that “Amnesty's mission is to undertake research and action focused on preventing and ending grave abuses of the rights to physical and mental integrity, freedom of conscience and expression, and freedom from discrimination -in the context of our work to promote all human rights, as articulated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights” (Amnesty International 2011). Amnesty’s vision is that all people, worldwide may fully enjoy all their human rights as outlined within the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They say that until this goal is achieved they will not stop their efforts (Amnesty International 2011).

As part of its ethics code Amnesty does not affiliate itself with any particular government, political ideology, economic interest or religion. Since they are not aligned with any particular government or political agencies, they remain completely financially autonomous and thus rely heavily on donations and funding from the public and pre-approved businesses. As part of their code of ethics, the organisation states that it “neither seek[s] nor accept[s] any funds for human rights research from governments or political parties. It believes that through receiving donations from the public only they are “able to stand firm and unwavering in our defence of universal and indivisible human rights” (Amnesty International 2011).
In regards to its administrative structure, Amnesty International prides itself on being a completely democratic system, thus all staff within the ­­organisation are elected, from the very bottom to the very top. They top potion within the internal hierarchy is that of Secretary General, a position currently held by Salil Shetty a human rights campaigner from India. Beneath that is the position of International Secretariat, a committee who are in place to support the Secretary General, followed by the International Executive Committee. Despite the complex hierarchy, the organisation relies heavily on its volunteers across the globe and encourages the public to spread its message and stop human rights abuses by mobilizing public pressure through letter-writing campaigns, demonstrations and government lobbying.

As an organisation, Amnesty relies on publicity in order to spread their message to a wide audience and gain support for various cause and movements, therefore they tend to publish the majority of their concerns, findings and causes either via their own website or their stories are often picked up by other publications. Their official website has an online library and resource

There is a list of six primary ethical considerations which were developed within Anthropology in order to help guide the discipline. They are particularly relevant to anthropology that is conducted outside of the institution; applied anthropology. Firstly, there is a responsibility to those studied. Within the context of Amnesty International, the people being ‘studied’ would be the victims of persecution, though the guidelines might also cover those doing the persecuting as they are also the focus of attention. However, since people are not being studied in the conventional way precedence will obviously go to the victims of human rights violations. Individuals will almost certainly be named during the campaigns as a means of gaining publicity for the issue. Secondly, there is a responsibility to the public. Since Amnesty review and then publish all their findings they actively encourage transparency and public involvement. Thirdly, there is a responsibility to the discipline. Although Amnesty often deals inter-culturally, its primary concern is with the human rights of an individual regardless of nationality, culture, political ideology or ‘race’ thus slightly overriding cultural relativity to some degree in favour of protecting their universal right to life. Next, there is a responsibility to students, which does not really apply in this situation since it is outside of an institutional scholarly setting. After that, there is a responsibility to sponsors. The sponsor in the case of Amnesty International are mainly the public; since it will not take sponsorship form governments or political parties it relies on the donations of members of the public who want to support the cause. Finally, there is a responsibility to one's own and/or host governments. However, since Amnesty International is an NGO and desires not to be affiliated with any particular government or ideology it has no responsibility to any government but only to the people it aims to help. As a result Amnesty is much more free to speak its mind and be critical of regimes, governments and dictatorships that its see violate the human rights declaration.
            
 In light of these considerations I would feel ethically comfortable working for Amnesty International since they have such an amazing track record of helping push for human rights across the globe. I think they have far greater freedom in a sense, to be critical since they are an independent organization and unaffiliated with any particular governments. This independence means there is no one to report to or please thus minimizing the possibilities of ulterior motives; the primary goal is the protection of human rights for all, beyond national, political and geographic boundaries. 

Shannon Turner-Riley
ANTH 311: Applied Anthropology
Instructor: Dr. Heather Botting
Tuesday 11th October, 2011

Bibliography
Amnesty Intentional Official Website
2011
http://www.amnesty.org/, accessed October 7th, 2011.


Recent Publications by Amnesty International

Amnesty International Library and Resource Centre
2011
http://www.amnesty.ca/library/, accessed October 7th, 2011.
Amnesty International Media Centre
2011 Saudi Arabia Executes Eight Bangladeshi Nationals.
http://www.amnesty.ca/media2010.php?DocID=997, accessed 7th October 2011.
Amnesty International Media Centre
2011 Bush Should be Investigated by Canada for Crimes Under International Law, Says Amnesty International.
http://www.amnesty.ca/media2010.php?DocID=994, accessed 7th October 2011.


Critiques and Criticisms of Amnesty International

NGO Monitor
http://www.ngo-monitor.org/article/amnesty_international, accessed October 7th, 2011.
NGO Monitor is a website which states its defining mission as “making NGOs accountable”, has a long list of criticisms of Amnesty International, predominately based on the ___ Amnesty International being anti-Israel and unfairly biased towards Palestine in its reports of the conflict in Gaza. NGO Monitors states that although Amnesty International claims as an organisation to be independent of any governments, regimes or political ideologies, it in fact consistently singles out Israel “for condemnation” (NGO Monitor 2007) and in doing so overlooks “more severe human rights violations in the region”. Additionally, NGO Monitor claims that although Amnesty International states that since it is an independent organisation and will not accept any funding or donations from governments or any political parties, they have in fact in the past accepted donations from the British, Dutch and Norwegian Governments (NGO Monitor 2007).

The Economist Magazine Online
2007 Amnesty International: Many rights, some wrong, The World’s Biggest Human-Rights Organisation Stretches its Brand.
http://www.economist.com/node/8888792, accessed October 7th, 2011.
In a 2007 article, British based publication The Economist criticised Amnesty International’s effectiveness, saying that it had recently become “too ambitious” (cite) it its goals; fighting not only against human rights violations as its mission states, but also aiming to improve political and economic conditions throughout the world. Amnesty International, states the Economist, has moved away from working with individual people and its focus on an individual’s rights, to rallying against much larger, broader and faceless causes. The article implies that the broad and often hard to pin-down nature of these causes means that they are just too difficult for an organisation like Amnesty International to tackle and therefore their approaches have become more fractured and less effective. The Economist also suggests that Amnesty International has been seen to be pandering to popular causes; latching onto current anti-American sentiment and various anti-Capitalist movements, rather than maintaining its own individual focus as outlined in its mission.

Brazil indigenous Guarani leader Nisio Gomes killed


A few days after writing my book report on the Guarani of Paraguay (and Brazil), I came across a BBC Article that saddened me. It documented the murder of a Guarani leader over land disputes with local non-indigenous ranchers.

"An indigenous leader in western Brazil has been shot dead in front of his community, officials say.
Nisio Gomes, 59, was part of a Guarani Kaiowa group that returned to their ancestral land at the start of this month after being evicted by ranchers.


He was killed by a group of around 40 masked gunmen who burst into the camp.
Brazil's Human Rights Secretary condemned the murder as "part of systematic violence against indigenous people in the region".

In a statement, Human Rights Minister Maria do Rosario Nunes said the region in Mato Grosso do Sul state was "one of the worst scenes of conflict between indigenous people and ranchers in the country".
She said those responsible must not be allowed to escape with impunity.

Mr Gomes was shot in the head, chest, arms and legs and his body was then driven away by the gunmen, community members said. His son was reportedly beaten and shot with a rubber bullet when he tried to intervene.Unconfirmed reports say two other Guaranis were abducted by the gunmen and may also have been killed.....

The group had been camping on a roadside following their eviction until they decided to return to their land at the beginning of November.
The killing has been condemned by the campaign group Survival International, which campaigns for indigenous rights.
"It seems the ranchers won't be happy until they've eradicated the Guarani," Survival's director Stephen Corry said."This level of violence was commonplace in the past and it resulted in the extinction of thousands of tribes," he added.

The Guarani are Brazil's largest indigenous minority, with around 46,000 members living in seven states.
Many others live in neighbouring Paraguay, Bolivia and Argentina.
The group suffers from a severe shortage of land in Brazil, which has worsened as a boom in agriculture has led farmers and ranchers to extend their holdings.
Indigenous activists say farmers in Mato Grosso do Sul frequently use violence and threats to force them off their ancestral territory, and that the local authorities do little to protect the"

Copyright: BBC News

Link to the original article: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-15799712

Forest Dwellers, Forest Protectors: Book Report



Reed’s book ‘Forest Dwellers, Forest Protectors: Indigenous Models for International Development’ focuses on the Guaraní indigenous peoples who inhabit the tropical forests of what is now Paraguay and Brazil. Reed introduces various aspects of Guaraní culture and social organisation based on his own anthropological research which he conducted while living among an isolated group of Guaraní more than two decades ago. He traces Guaraní history and explains the numerous factors which have affected the indigenous peoples of this area from the time of European conquest, through the past twenty years of major economic change within the state of Paraguay and it is this economic change in particular which is a major focus of the book. Reed outlines Paraguay’s fairly recent shift from small-scale exports of items collected from within the tropical forests, particularly the Yerba leaf, towards the country becoming a major exporter of cash crops like cotton, wheat and soy beans.

As a result of this new focus on large scale agriculture, vast tracks of the forest need to be cleared in order to create fields for crops and cattle. This destruction of the forest is wreaking havoc on the fragile ecosystem. As Reed outlines and explains the extent of these changes, he traces the effects they are having on the traditional Guaraní way of life. Additionally, Reed gives an overview of tropical forest ecosystems explaining the diversity and fragility of tropical forests. The species found within them tend to be interdependent on each other as a means of adapting to the harsh environment. Since it is this dependency that allows them to survive, removing one aspect of the system can have dire affects on numerous others. In particular removing an element as integral as the canopy, which is what happens when the land is cleared for agriculture, will undermine and destroy the whole forest (2009: 38).

The Guaraní practice a form of subsistence known as agroforestry, in which they clear only small plots or gardens to allow sunlight to penetrate the thick canopy whilst also keeping many of the existing plants and trees. Agroforesty does not destroy the forest but instead maintains it whilst adding to its diversity. This system “uses forests, rather than replacing them with single-crop agriculture or pasture...it builds on the existing system, managing its diversity to maximize productivity” (2009: 5). The Guarani carefully gather, harvest, fish and hunt so as not to deplete resources, maintaining a way of life that has sustained them for centuries, even after the Spanish conquest and colonisation. It is this unique form of subsistence which has until now allowed them to preserve their autonomy from the larger Paraguayan society.

The Guaraní have been practicing this subsistence pattern for many centuries, carefully managing the forest without ever over-exploiting it or depleting it of its resources. Even at the time of Spanish contact, when the Guaraní were first exposed to international market systems they would produce and collect goods for trade within the market that exploited completely different niches and therefore had little or no effect on their own subsistence strategies. The Guaraní are not as isolated as they have often thought to have been, they have in fact been in contact with the larger world since the sixteenth century when the first Spanish conquistadors moved into the area. Since this time the Guaraní have had various and differing relations with the larger Paraguayan society. Throughout the past couple of centuries the Guaraní have both controlled and been controlled by larger societal forces. In Forest Dwellers, Forest Protectors, Reed explains some of the major underlying factors that have influenced the Guaraní’s control over their own lives and land. In the case of the Guaraní there are various historical and contemporary factors that affected their degree of self-determination. 


The control over one’s own life, the degree of a person’s self-determination can be outlined as the innate right and ability of a person to make choices without any interference or influence from external sources. When confronted with the market system during the early colonial era, it was the Guaraní themselves who chose to participate in the larger international economy, collecting items from the forest to trade for commodities such as salt, soap and machetes (2009: 1). In the same way that the Guaraní chose to include themselves in the market system, they would also often choose not to participate; refusing to sell items collected from the forests when the market prices dropped too low (2009: 54). What gave them the ability to do this was that their subsistence system was completely independent of the larger market, by maintaining a dependable source of subsistence outside the market they could chose whether or not to participate and were not reliant on the economic system (2009: 55).

The Guaraní then, adapted the larger world system for their own gains, choosing when and if to participate (2009: 2). In short they “have accommodated the national system without sacrificing their economic independence or ethnic autonomy” (2009: 3), carefully managing their place in the outside world. Ultimately then, for  the Guaraní  it was their unique ability to make a living from the forest and engage in the market system, whilst still remaining independent from it that allowed them maintain control over their own lives. This ability to produce what they needed themselves meant that they were able to avoid being drawn into wage labour and debt throughout the centuries.

It was at the time of European contact and Spanish conquest of the area, that the Guaraní first began to be drawn into the wider social sphere as wage labourers and were later subject to slave raiding by both the Spanish and Brazilian slave raiders resulting in their first loss of autonomy. The Spanish colonisers of the area forced the Guaraní to work in the forest collecting the leaf of the Yerba plant, used to make a caffeine infused drink. This leaf was to become a major factor in the early Paraguayan economy (2009: 7). To ‘protect’ the Guaraní from these forced labour drafts local missionaries, in particular the Jesuits tried to draw the Guaraní out of their forest homes and into large communal settlements as a means of protection. However, the missionaries also often used indigenous labour to produce Yerba for export. Not long after, Brazilian slavers came west looking for indigenous labourers to work on the sugar cane plantations and the Guaraní once again lost their autonomy as they were led of f in chains, at the will of the conquerors, colonisers and slavers (2009: 7).

The forced labour of the indigenous Guaraní people did not come to an end until Paraguay gained its freedom from Spain in 1812. At this point many Guaraní left the labour camps and went to the villages and towns bordering the forests where they were subsequently assimilated into the larger Paraguayan society. However, other Guaraní groups chose instead to flee, heading deep into the forests of Paraguay in order to maintain autonomy from the larger society (2009: 8). The market however, is not the main cause for concern, since the Guaraní people have had contact with the larger Paraguayan society and have chosen to participate in the market system for centuries without the loss of their culture, religion and social organisation. The major problem they face, one which undermines their whole way of life, is the loss of the forests from which they make a living. Once they are no longer able to support themselves they ultimately become dependent on the economic system and Paraguayan society.

The Guaraní way of life requires vast amounts of land for in order for them to retain their autonomy and sustain their families, however with the Paraguayan governments new focus on cash-crop agriculture ancestral Guaraní land is coveted by the government and private businesses alike. In order to fulfill their agricultural goals the Paraguayan government borrowed large loans from the World Bank to facilitate the clearing and colonization of vast hectares of forest. They built major roads leading deep into previously inaccessible forest and then began to log and clear huge areas of the forest to create fields. The government started various programs encouraging the resettlement of poorer mestizo populations out of the overcrowded cities and into the rural forest, enticing them with land deeds and cheap property titles (2009: 58-60).

Settlers began to pour into rural areas, clearing fields for mono crop agriculture and ranching. This system of farming requires a lot of land and destroys huge areas of the forest, depleting the already fragile soils, thus undermining the entire ecosystem (2009: 38). Furthermore, these new colonizers began hunting traditional Guaraní game depleting the already low numbers forcing the Guaraní to participate to a greater degree in the economy in order to acquire meat (2009: 9). As they lose more and more of the land they require to live, and become more of nuisance to the colonizing farmers the Guaraní are being put onto reservations, where they no longer have sufficient land to support the communities and find themselves ever more dependent on the larger economic system. As they become more drawn into the market, they are often manipulated and taken advantage of by mestizo traders who have a greater knowledge of the system and thus lose the control over the relationship they once held (2009: 10). Moreover, through its blatant ignoring of the indigenous population, the government is in short, deliberately or not, practicing a form of ethnocide. As they lose their autonomy and with no means of controlling their relationship with larger society they are fast losing their culture and assimilating into the mestizo population (2009: 15).

To avoid this ethnocide and assimilation into larger Paraguayan society, the Guaraní have implemented various methods throughout their colonial history. Many Guaraní people fled into the forests as a way of evading labour drafts and being drawn into wage labour. When confronted with the international market system, the Guaraní were not passive victims, but instead chose whether or not they wanted to participate, often engaging and withdrawing when it best suited them; adapting the larger system to their needs. They “sought opportunities to earn cash collecting yerba” (2009: 8) as well as skins and other forest products so they could participate in the economy when they wanted, whilst making sure these goods did not interfere with traditional Guaraní subsistence (2009: 8). After Paraguay became an independent state and the labour drafts ended, the indigenous Guaraní chose to either join the larger mestizo society or flee from it deep into the forest (2009: 8). Remaining Guaraní populations deal with the immense deforestation by upping and moving into small pockets of remaining forest (2009: 15). However, these pockets are not enough and they will also soon be gone, larger amounts of land need to be reserved and set aside for Guaraní populations so that they may maintain their way of life. This requires many hectares of land to the titles to which need to be given over to Guaraní communities in order to safeguard their land and way of life for future generations. Such measures, however, will only take place with full national governmental recognition of the Guaraní people and their inherent rights to their ancestral land.

When asked what they wanted, the Guaraní stated that their only desire was that they have enough land to support their families, communities and future generations (find cite). However, there are unfortunately numerous factors that hinder this desire; primarily the drive for profit. The government and private businesses want to make quick and extensive profits from cash-crop-agriculture and therefore want to use as much available land as possible in order to do so. They are hesitant to reserve land for the Guaraní as they do not understand the intricacies of their subsistence, believing they ‘waste’ the land and do not develop it to its full potential. Additionally, it is difficult to count how many Guaraní there actually are, since they are often rightly suspicious of outside society, but this makes it extremely hard to decide how much land they might need (2009: 60-62). Furthermore, Paraguay is getting itself deeper into national debt and sees agriculture, ranching and export of cash-crops as an easy ‘quick fix’ for the economy (2009: 59).

In Forest Dwellers, Forest Protectors Reed suggests that the conventional models of agriculture which have been employed in Paraguay particularly over the past twenty years; cash-crop agriculture and cattle farming, are failing as a result of over farming of already poor soils. He proposes that it may be time to look back to more sustainable indigenous models of agroforestry in order to reap profit from the forests without completely destroying them. Reed sees this traditional system as a potential solution to the current problems facing Paraguay, since it is not only sustainable it can also yield higher profits without destroying the fragile ecosystem (2009: 87-89).

Reed then goes on to outline three different models he sees as potential solutions; firstly, the Mbaracayu Reserve projects which aims to promote sustainable development through mixed agroforestry. The Mbaracayu Reserve refers to area of land near Slandurocai in Paraguay which was purchased by the National Conservancy as a means of protecting the threatened rainforest. Within this plan there should be recognition of the importance of traditional Guaraní knowledge in regards preserving the forest. Additionally, if allowances are made for Guaraní production it would not only preserve the forest and its diversity but also allow the Guaraní to make profits thus giving them autonomy and independence from the larger economic market. This project, like many others is sponsored by the U.N, however what makes it different is that most centre on protecting nature alone, this project focuses the sustainability of indigenous use of the environment. Secondly, Reed suggests that perhaps Paraguayans should start to collect and produce rubber but the traditional way. Large mono-crop rubber plantations do not flourish in the forest and are certainly not sustainable. Lastly, Reed proposes that there is the need to create a greater demand for forest products through focused marketing campaigns; the higher the demand the greater the perceived value of the forests and thus the greater the profits for the indigenous people who collect and produce forest goods. Additionally, he explains the important roles intermediary organisations encouraging them to fairly purchase forest items and ‘go green’. This is exemplified through the ‘success’ stories of Ben and Jerry’s Ice Cream with their Brazil Nuts as well the body Shop (2009: 90-92).

I think that there is unfortunately a lot of greed in the world, not that this is a new thing. Guarani history has also shown how indigenous people have often been exploited for profit and personal gain. The incredible loss of diversity that is happening with the destruction of these forests clearly needs to be addressed, and fast. This reaches beyond national borders and boundaries, but is of import to the world as a whole; we are losing one of the most diverse areas in the world, some of the greatest diversity of plant and animal species will be lost forever not to mention the sad loss of human diversity, along with it unique knowledge and ways of thinking. This is an issue that requires greater global attention and focus. I hope that with greater awareness of the issues facing the Guaraní people and more international pressure, the Paraguayan government will put into action plans to safeguard not only its indigenous population and culture, but also to not deplete the country of its richest  natural resources; its forests, before it is too late.

Shannon Turner-Riley
ANTH 391: Indigenous Peoples of the Amazon
Instructor: Dr. Peter Stahl
Tuesday 11th October, 2011

 References

 Reed, Richard
2009, 1997 Forest Dwellers, Forest Protectors: Indigenous Models for International Development. New Jersey: Pearson Education, Inc.