Forest Dwellers, Forest Protectors: Book Report

Reed’s book ‘Forest Dwellers, Forest Protectors: Indigenous Models for International Development’ focuses on the Guaraní indigenous peoples who inhabit the tropical forests of what is now Paraguay and Brazil. Reed introduces various aspects of Guaraní culture and social organisation based on his own anthropological research which he conducted while living among an isolated group of Guaraní more than two decades ago. He traces Guaraní history and explains the numerous factors which have affected the indigenous peoples of this area from the time of European conquest, through the past twenty years of major economic change within the state of Paraguay and it is this economic change in particular which is a major focus of the book. Reed outlines Paraguay’s fairly recent shift from small-scale exports of items collected from within the tropical forests, particularly the Yerba leaf, towards the country becoming a major exporter of cash crops like cotton, wheat and soy beans.

As a result of this new focus on large scale agriculture, vast tracks of the forest need to be cleared in order to create fields for crops and cattle. This destruction of the forest is wreaking havoc on the fragile ecosystem. As Reed outlines and explains the extent of these changes, he traces the effects they are having on the traditional Guaraní way of life. Additionally, Reed gives an overview of tropical forest ecosystems explaining the diversity and fragility of tropical forests. The species found within them tend to be interdependent on each other as a means of adapting to the harsh environment. Since it is this dependency that allows them to survive, removing one aspect of the system can have dire affects on numerous others. In particular removing an element as integral as the canopy, which is what happens when the land is cleared for agriculture, will undermine and destroy the whole forest (2009: 38).

The Guaraní practice a form of subsistence known as agroforestry, in which they clear only small plots or gardens to allow sunlight to penetrate the thick canopy whilst also keeping many of the existing plants and trees. Agroforesty does not destroy the forest but instead maintains it whilst adding to its diversity. This system “uses forests, rather than replacing them with single-crop agriculture or pasture...it builds on the existing system, managing its diversity to maximize productivity” (2009: 5). The Guarani carefully gather, harvest, fish and hunt so as not to deplete resources, maintaining a way of life that has sustained them for centuries, even after the Spanish conquest and colonisation. It is this unique form of subsistence which has until now allowed them to preserve their autonomy from the larger Paraguayan society.

The Guaraní have been practicing this subsistence pattern for many centuries, carefully managing the forest without ever over-exploiting it or depleting it of its resources. Even at the time of Spanish contact, when the Guaraní were first exposed to international market systems they would produce and collect goods for trade within the market that exploited completely different niches and therefore had little or no effect on their own subsistence strategies. The Guaraní are not as isolated as they have often thought to have been, they have in fact been in contact with the larger world since the sixteenth century when the first Spanish conquistadors moved into the area. Since this time the Guaraní have had various and differing relations with the larger Paraguayan society. Throughout the past couple of centuries the Guaraní have both controlled and been controlled by larger societal forces. In Forest Dwellers, Forest Protectors, Reed explains some of the major underlying factors that have influenced the Guaraní’s control over their own lives and land. In the case of the Guaraní there are various historical and contemporary factors that affected their degree of self-determination. 

The control over one’s own life, the degree of a person’s self-determination can be outlined as the innate right and ability of a person to make choices without any interference or influence from external sources. When confronted with the market system during the early colonial era, it was the Guaraní themselves who chose to participate in the larger international economy, collecting items from the forest to trade for commodities such as salt, soap and machetes (2009: 1). In the same way that the Guaraní chose to include themselves in the market system, they would also often choose not to participate; refusing to sell items collected from the forests when the market prices dropped too low (2009: 54). What gave them the ability to do this was that their subsistence system was completely independent of the larger market, by maintaining a dependable source of subsistence outside the market they could chose whether or not to participate and were not reliant on the economic system (2009: 55).

The Guaraní then, adapted the larger world system for their own gains, choosing when and if to participate (2009: 2). In short they “have accommodated the national system without sacrificing their economic independence or ethnic autonomy” (2009: 3), carefully managing their place in the outside world. Ultimately then, for  the Guaraní  it was their unique ability to make a living from the forest and engage in the market system, whilst still remaining independent from it that allowed them maintain control over their own lives. This ability to produce what they needed themselves meant that they were able to avoid being drawn into wage labour and debt throughout the centuries.

It was at the time of European contact and Spanish conquest of the area, that the Guaraní first began to be drawn into the wider social sphere as wage labourers and were later subject to slave raiding by both the Spanish and Brazilian slave raiders resulting in their first loss of autonomy. The Spanish colonisers of the area forced the Guaraní to work in the forest collecting the leaf of the Yerba plant, used to make a caffeine infused drink. This leaf was to become a major factor in the early Paraguayan economy (2009: 7). To ‘protect’ the Guaraní from these forced labour drafts local missionaries, in particular the Jesuits tried to draw the Guaraní out of their forest homes and into large communal settlements as a means of protection. However, the missionaries also often used indigenous labour to produce Yerba for export. Not long after, Brazilian slavers came west looking for indigenous labourers to work on the sugar cane plantations and the Guaraní once again lost their autonomy as they were led of f in chains, at the will of the conquerors, colonisers and slavers (2009: 7).

The forced labour of the indigenous Guaraní people did not come to an end until Paraguay gained its freedom from Spain in 1812. At this point many Guaraní left the labour camps and went to the villages and towns bordering the forests where they were subsequently assimilated into the larger Paraguayan society. However, other Guaraní groups chose instead to flee, heading deep into the forests of Paraguay in order to maintain autonomy from the larger society (2009: 8). The market however, is not the main cause for concern, since the Guaraní people have had contact with the larger Paraguayan society and have chosen to participate in the market system for centuries without the loss of their culture, religion and social organisation. The major problem they face, one which undermines their whole way of life, is the loss of the forests from which they make a living. Once they are no longer able to support themselves they ultimately become dependent on the economic system and Paraguayan society.

The Guaraní way of life requires vast amounts of land for in order for them to retain their autonomy and sustain their families, however with the Paraguayan governments new focus on cash-crop agriculture ancestral Guaraní land is coveted by the government and private businesses alike. In order to fulfill their agricultural goals the Paraguayan government borrowed large loans from the World Bank to facilitate the clearing and colonization of vast hectares of forest. They built major roads leading deep into previously inaccessible forest and then began to log and clear huge areas of the forest to create fields. The government started various programs encouraging the resettlement of poorer mestizo populations out of the overcrowded cities and into the rural forest, enticing them with land deeds and cheap property titles (2009: 58-60).

Settlers began to pour into rural areas, clearing fields for mono crop agriculture and ranching. This system of farming requires a lot of land and destroys huge areas of the forest, depleting the already fragile soils, thus undermining the entire ecosystem (2009: 38). Furthermore, these new colonizers began hunting traditional Guaraní game depleting the already low numbers forcing the Guaraní to participate to a greater degree in the economy in order to acquire meat (2009: 9). As they lose more and more of the land they require to live, and become more of nuisance to the colonizing farmers the Guaraní are being put onto reservations, where they no longer have sufficient land to support the communities and find themselves ever more dependent on the larger economic system. As they become more drawn into the market, they are often manipulated and taken advantage of by mestizo traders who have a greater knowledge of the system and thus lose the control over the relationship they once held (2009: 10). Moreover, through its blatant ignoring of the indigenous population, the government is in short, deliberately or not, practicing a form of ethnocide. As they lose their autonomy and with no means of controlling their relationship with larger society they are fast losing their culture and assimilating into the mestizo population (2009: 15).

To avoid this ethnocide and assimilation into larger Paraguayan society, the Guaraní have implemented various methods throughout their colonial history. Many Guaraní people fled into the forests as a way of evading labour drafts and being drawn into wage labour. When confronted with the international market system, the Guaraní were not passive victims, but instead chose whether or not they wanted to participate, often engaging and withdrawing when it best suited them; adapting the larger system to their needs. They “sought opportunities to earn cash collecting yerba” (2009: 8) as well as skins and other forest products so they could participate in the economy when they wanted, whilst making sure these goods did not interfere with traditional Guaraní subsistence (2009: 8). After Paraguay became an independent state and the labour drafts ended, the indigenous Guaraní chose to either join the larger mestizo society or flee from it deep into the forest (2009: 8). Remaining Guaraní populations deal with the immense deforestation by upping and moving into small pockets of remaining forest (2009: 15). However, these pockets are not enough and they will also soon be gone, larger amounts of land need to be reserved and set aside for Guaraní populations so that they may maintain their way of life. This requires many hectares of land to the titles to which need to be given over to Guaraní communities in order to safeguard their land and way of life for future generations. Such measures, however, will only take place with full national governmental recognition of the Guaraní people and their inherent rights to their ancestral land.

When asked what they wanted, the Guaraní stated that their only desire was that they have enough land to support their families, communities and future generations (find cite). However, there are unfortunately numerous factors that hinder this desire; primarily the drive for profit. The government and private businesses want to make quick and extensive profits from cash-crop-agriculture and therefore want to use as much available land as possible in order to do so. They are hesitant to reserve land for the Guaraní as they do not understand the intricacies of their subsistence, believing they ‘waste’ the land and do not develop it to its full potential. Additionally, it is difficult to count how many Guaraní there actually are, since they are often rightly suspicious of outside society, but this makes it extremely hard to decide how much land they might need (2009: 60-62). Furthermore, Paraguay is getting itself deeper into national debt and sees agriculture, ranching and export of cash-crops as an easy ‘quick fix’ for the economy (2009: 59).

In Forest Dwellers, Forest Protectors Reed suggests that the conventional models of agriculture which have been employed in Paraguay particularly over the past twenty years; cash-crop agriculture and cattle farming, are failing as a result of over farming of already poor soils. He proposes that it may be time to look back to more sustainable indigenous models of agroforestry in order to reap profit from the forests without completely destroying them. Reed sees this traditional system as a potential solution to the current problems facing Paraguay, since it is not only sustainable it can also yield higher profits without destroying the fragile ecosystem (2009: 87-89).

Reed then goes on to outline three different models he sees as potential solutions; firstly, the Mbaracayu Reserve projects which aims to promote sustainable development through mixed agroforestry. The Mbaracayu Reserve refers to area of land near Slandurocai in Paraguay which was purchased by the National Conservancy as a means of protecting the threatened rainforest. Within this plan there should be recognition of the importance of traditional Guaraní knowledge in regards preserving the forest. Additionally, if allowances are made for Guaraní production it would not only preserve the forest and its diversity but also allow the Guaraní to make profits thus giving them autonomy and independence from the larger economic market. This project, like many others is sponsored by the U.N, however what makes it different is that most centre on protecting nature alone, this project focuses the sustainability of indigenous use of the environment. Secondly, Reed suggests that perhaps Paraguayans should start to collect and produce rubber but the traditional way. Large mono-crop rubber plantations do not flourish in the forest and are certainly not sustainable. Lastly, Reed proposes that there is the need to create a greater demand for forest products through focused marketing campaigns; the higher the demand the greater the perceived value of the forests and thus the greater the profits for the indigenous people who collect and produce forest goods. Additionally, he explains the important roles intermediary organisations encouraging them to fairly purchase forest items and ‘go green’. This is exemplified through the ‘success’ stories of Ben and Jerry’s Ice Cream with their Brazil Nuts as well the body Shop (2009: 90-92).

I think that there is unfortunately a lot of greed in the world, not that this is a new thing. Guarani history has also shown how indigenous people have often been exploited for profit and personal gain. The incredible loss of diversity that is happening with the destruction of these forests clearly needs to be addressed, and fast. This reaches beyond national borders and boundaries, but is of import to the world as a whole; we are losing one of the most diverse areas in the world, some of the greatest diversity of plant and animal species will be lost forever not to mention the sad loss of human diversity, along with it unique knowledge and ways of thinking. This is an issue that requires greater global attention and focus. I hope that with greater awareness of the issues facing the Guaraní people and more international pressure, the Paraguayan government will put into action plans to safeguard not only its indigenous population and culture, but also to not deplete the country of its richest  natural resources; its forests, before it is too late.

Shannon Turner-Riley
ANTH 391: Indigenous Peoples of the Amazon
Instructor: Dr. Peter Stahl
Tuesday 11^th October, 2011

 References

 Reed, Richard

2009, 1997 Forest Dwellers, Forest Protectors: Indigenous Models for International Development. New Jersey: Pearson Education, Inc.